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by: Thomas Lee Abshier, ND
2/25/2025
Claude:
A Biblical Framework for Political Discernment
Dr. Robert Malone’s recent article on Susan Rice and the “permanent class” of unelected power brokers raises concerns that Christians should take seriously. Concentrated power without accountability, the weaponization of government against political opponents, ideological capture of institutions, threats of retribution against those who cooperate with lawfully elected officials—these are not trivial matters.
But before we rush to agreement or dismissal, we must ask: What does faithful Christian political engagement look like? How do we evaluate such claims biblically? And how do we avoid the trap that has captured so much of American Christianity—becoming the religious auxiliary of a political party rather than the prophetic conscience of the nation?
Renaissance Ministries is incorporated as a 508(c)(1)(a) organization precisely so we can engage politically without the restrictions that apply to 501(c)(3) churches. We can endorse candidates, evaluate platforms, and speak from the pulpit about political matters. But having the legal freedom to be partisan does not mean we should be captured by partisanship. The prophetic voice must remain independent of all earthly powers—including the ones we prefer.
Let us first acknowledge what is valid in Malone’s critique. These are not partisan concerns but biblical ones:
Scripture consistently warns against concentrated power without accountability. The kings of Israel were subject to the Law and answerable to prophets. When they forgot this, disaster followed.
The phenomenon Malone describes—a permanent bureaucratic class that persists across administrations, makes policy without electoral accountability, and rotates between government, academia, media, and corporations—raises legitimate biblical concerns. Power that cannot be checked tends toward corruption. This is why Scripture provides for multiple centers of authority (king, priest, prophet, elders) rather than consolidation.
When any class of people—whether hereditary aristocrats, party officials, or credentialed experts—governs without meaningful accountability to those they govern, the biblical pattern of distributed authority is violated. This concern applies regardless of which party the unaccountable class serves.
Using legal and regulatory systems to punish political opponents rather than to pursue actual justice is a form of corruption Scripture repeatedly condemns:
If government agencies are weaponized to investigate, harass, and prosecute people based on their political associations rather than their actual wrongdoing, this is injustice—regardless of which party controls the agencies or which party’s supporters are targeted.
Rice’s quoted statements about “accountability agendas,” subpoenas for companies that cooperated with Trump, and warnings to “preserve documents” are concerning if they represent threats to punish lawful conduct. The context matters: is she describing legitimate oversight of actual wrongdoing, or threatening retaliation for political disagreement?
When any ideology—whether “equity,” “Christian nationalism,” or anything else—becomes the mandatory operating system for government, education, and commerce, it functions as an established religion. The state is claiming authority over conscience.
Malone describes how “equity” became embedded in every federal agency through executive orders, requiring bureaucrats to evaluate all policies through an ideological lens. This is concerning not because equity is bad (biblical justice certainly includes concern for the marginalized) but because ideological uniformity is being enforced by state power.
God has ordained government for specific purposes (Romans 13:1-7): to punish wrongdoing and reward good. When government expands into shaping beliefs, enforcing ideological conformity, and functioning as an arbiter of virtue, it has exceeded its biblical mandate. This applies to progressive ideology and to any conservative ideology that might seek similar enforcement.
The movement of people between government positions, corporate boards (like Netflix), media platforms, think tanks (like Brookings), and back again creates a ruling class with shared interests that may diverge from the public they ostensibly serve. Malone calls this “one continuous ecosystem where policy, profit, and ideology blur into one quiet cartel.”
This is not a new phenomenon. The biblical prophets confronted similar networks of priests, kings, and merchants who reinforced each other’s power at the expense of ordinary people:
When those who should hold power accountable (prophets, in Ezekiel’s case; media and academia, in ours) instead provide cover for the powerful, the system is corrupt.
Having acknowledged legitimate concerns, we must also acknowledge where the article requires biblical caution:
The article presents only Democratic malfeasance. Susan Rice is a “commissar”; the Democratic Party is “Satanic”; the Biden administration engaged in lawfare. These may or may not be accurate characterizations, but a prophetic voice cannot be credible if it only sees sin on one side.
The biblical prophets were sent primarily to Israel, not to Babylon. They called God’s people to account before addressing the nations. When Amos pronounced judgment on Damascus, Gaza, Tyre, Edom, Ammon, and Moab, his audience probably nodded along—until he turned to Judah and Israel (Amos 1-2).
A Christian political voice that only condemns the other party has lost its prophetic authority. We must be willing to apply the same standards to our preferred leaders that we apply to our opponents.
Has the Republican Party engaged in lawfare? Has it used government power against political opponents? Has it sought to embed its ideology in institutions? Has it operated through networks of donors, media figures, and think tanks that blur the line between policy and profit? An honest answer is yes—to varying degrees, in varying ways. This doesn’t excuse Democratic wrongs, but it should temper the righteous indignation that sees evil only in the other tribe.
Malone claims to know Rice’s inner motivations: she was “groomed” for global management, she sees America as “a tool,” she learned “the creed” at Stanford and Oxford. Perhaps. But Scripture warns against presuming to know what only God can see:
We can and should evaluate public actions and stated policies. We cannot see into souls. When we attribute the worst possible motives to our opponents while assuming the best about our allies, we have left biblical discernment for tribal warfare.
The greatest danger in Christian political engagement is not being wrong about a particular issue but subordinating the Gospel to a political movement. When Christianity becomes the religious wing of a party, it loses its power to call that party to account—and it loses credibility with everyone outside the party.
If our political commentary is indistinguishable from what any secular conservative would say, we have nothing distinctively Christian to offer. If we simply baptize Republican talking points (or Democratic ones), we have made the Gospel a subset of politics rather than the standard by which all politics is judged.
The prophets were not court chaplains blessing the king’s wars. They stood outside all parties, calling all powers to account before God.
The article calls for Netflix boycotts and political mobilization against Democrats. These may be appropriate responses to specific wrongs. But there is no corresponding call for self-examination: Where have we, who oppose this agenda, also failed to meet biblical standards? Where have our leaders abused power? Where have our institutions become ideologically captured?
This is not “whataboutism” that excuses wrongdoing by pointing to other wrongdoing. It is the biblical pattern of judgment beginning with the house of God (1 Peter 4:17). We cannot credibly call the nation to repentance if we have not first repented ourselves.
How then should Christians engage with political commentary like Malone’s article? Here is a framework:
The question is not “Is this from our side?” but “Is this true and does it matter?” Susan Rice either made the statements attributed to her or she didn’t. Those statements either constitute threats of political retaliation or they don’t. Evaluate the evidence, not the source’s tribal affiliation.
Apply the same standard to claims about your preferred leaders. If the same conduct would concern you from an opponent, it should concern you from an ally.
We can evaluate what people do and say. We cannot know why they do it. Susan Rice’s policies can be assessed against biblical standards of justice. Her inner spiritual state is known only to God.
This matters because when we demonize opponents (literally, in the case of calling them “Satanic”), we close off the possibility of repentance, conversion, or even legitimate disagreement. Some people who support bad policies do so because they are deceived, not because they are evil.
If concentrated unaccountable power is wrong, it is wrong regardless of who holds it. If lawfare is wrong, it is wrong regardless of who deploys it. If ideological capture of institutions is wrong, it is wrong regardless of which ideology is being imposed.
The credibility of Christian political witness depends on this consistency. When we only see problems on one side, we are not prophets; we are partisans in religious costume.
The prophet Nathan confronted King David, God’s chosen ruler, over his sin with Bathsheba. The prophet Elijah confronted King Ahab even at risk of death. The prophets did not belong to the king’s party or the opposition’s party; they belonged to God.
Christian political engagement must maintain this independence. We are not chaplains to any party. We call all powers to account before the standard of God’s Word. This means we must be willing to critique our preferred leaders—perhaps especially them, since they claim to represent us.
Politics can restrain evil but cannot transform hearts. Laws can punish wrongdoing but cannot create righteousness. Even if every political goal were achieved, the fundamental problem—human sinfulness—would remain.
This is why our primary mission is Gospel proclamation and disciple-making, not political victory. Political engagement is legitimate and sometimes necessary, but it is not where salvation comes from. When Christians invest more energy in elections than in evangelism, something has gone wrong.
Having established the framework, let us return to what is genuinely valuable in Malone’s analysis:
The American constitutional order assumed that elections would change the direction of government. But if a permanent class of officials, credentialed experts, and connected insiders actually makes policy while elected officials come and go, the constitutional order is undermined.
This is not a partisan observation. Progressives complained about the “deep state” resisting Obama’s agenda. Conservatives complained about it resisting Trump’s. Both were describing the same phenomenon: unelected power that is accountable to neither party and to no electorate.
The concentration of power in unaccountable bureaucracies, the revolving door between government and industry, the ideological monoculture of elite institutions—these are problems regardless of which party temporarily holds elected office. Christians should oppose this concentration on principle, not because it currently disadvantages our preferred party.
If Rice’s statements are accurately reported—that companies cooperating with Trump will face “subpoenas” and an “accountability agenda” when Democrats return to power—this is concerning. Not because it targets Republicans specifically, but because it threatens to punish lawful conduct based on political association.
The same concern would apply if Republican leaders threatened retaliation against companies that cooperated with Democratic administrations. The principle is that lawful conduct should not be punished based on political affiliation. When it is, we have left rule of law for rule of faction.
When any ideology—”equity,” “Christian nationalism,” libertarianism, socialism—becomes mandatory for participation in public life, it functions as an established religion. The state is demanding conformity of belief, not just behavior.
Malone describes how “equity” became the “operating system” of federal government under Rice’s influence. Whether or not his account is accurate in every detail, the phenomenon he describes—embedding ideology into bureaucratic structures so deeply that it persists regardless of elections—is real and concerning.
But we must be equally vigilant about attempts to embed our preferred ideology in the same way. The solution to progressive ideological capture is not conservative ideological capture; it is limiting government’s role in enforcing any ideology.
What should distinguish Christian political engagement from secular conservative (or liberal) commentary?
Susan Rice is not the root problem. Neither is the Democratic Party, the “permanent state,” or any other political structure. The root problem is human sinfulness, which corrupts every institution it touches—including the ones we build and the movements we support.
This means we should never be surprised when power corrupts. It also means we should never imagine that putting our people in power solves the problem. Different people, same hearts.
Our hope is not in the next election or the right Supreme Court appointment or the defeat of the other party. Our hope is in Christ, who will return to set all things right. This does not make political engagement irrelevant—we are called to be salt and light—but it relativizes political victories and defeats.
This is the hardest distinctive. Secular political warfare aims to defeat, humiliate, and destroy opponents. Christian political engagement must somehow oppose wrong while loving the wrongdoer.
This does not mean we cannot oppose Susan Rice’s policies or call out wrongdoing. It means we cannot hate her, cannot wish her destruction, cannot dehumanize her into a “commissar” who is less than human. She is a person made in God’s image, for whom Christ died. Our opposition must somehow coexist with prayer for her good—including her ultimate good, which is salvation.
Before we call the nation to repentance, we must repent ourselves. Before we point out the speck in our opponent’s eye, we must address the log in our own. This is not a reason to be silent about evil; it is a reason to be humble about how we address it.
Dr. Malone’s article raises real concerns about real problems. Christians should care about unaccountable power, weaponized justice, ideological capture, and threats of political retaliation. These are not partisan concerns but justice concerns.
But the way we engage with these concerns must be distinctively Christian. We must:
Renaissance Ministries has the legal freedom to be partisan. But our calling is higher: to be prophetic. Partisans support their side regardless. Prophets call all sides to account before God’s standard.
In an age when Christianity is increasingly identified with one political party, we have an opportunity to demonstrate something different: a faith that transcends tribal loyalties, that applies its principles consistently, that loves even those it opposes, and that places its ultimate hope not in any election but in the returning King.
That is the witness America needs. That is the witness we are called to give.
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